Izborili smo se za radničku kontrolu
Intervju sa Željkom Klausom i Davorom Rakićem – Kićom, radnicima Petrokemije u Kutini
We achieved workers’ control
Interview with Željko Klaus and Davor Rakić – Kićo, the workers of Petrokemija in Kutina
27.06.2012.
Četvrtina ukupnog prometa Hrvatskih željeznica je Petrokemija…Očito je da je to za jednu državu strateška industrija. Privatizacija inače, sama po sebi, nije dobra, a pogotovo kad se radi o strateškim industrijama. Mi se ne slažemo s onim kako je Vlada svih ovih godina zamišljala privatizaciju.
PG: Kako je Vlada zamišljala privatizaciju?
Pa prvi pokušaj bio je 1998. godine kad je bila aktualna kuponska privatizacija na način da se kroz tadašnji Privatni Investicijski Fond Petrokemija pretvori u kupone koji će biti podijeljeni. Tada se prvi put oformio Stožer za obranu Petrokemije koji od tada okuplja dva sindikata i jednu udrugu branitelja iz Petrokemije u zajedničkoj borbi protiv privatizacije. Stožer tada zauzima Petrokemiju i blokira tvornicu na 72 dana. Zaključak tadašnjih vlasti bio je da nas ne trebaju više čačkati, jer su nas se valjda bojali te su s nama potpisali sporazum kojeg se mi i danas držimo. Temeljni zahtjev onda, pa i danas je da država mora biti većinski vlasnik jedne takve proizvodnje.
PG: Niste zahtijevali da se vlasništvo prebaci na radnike?
Nismo vjerovali da to može funkcionirati na taj način da radnici budu i vlasnici tvrtke jer je to prevelik sustav. Naravno, to ne isključuje ulogu radnika da nadziru firmu, da imaju utjecaj na sve ono što je bitno. Tada smo se izborili za to da naši predstavnici sjede u nadzornom odboru Petrokemije. Danas imamo četiri od devet članova tog odbora. Dakle, Izborili smo se za radničku kontrolu. Imamo informacije iz prve ruke i direktno sudjelujemo u donošenju svih strateških odluka preko nadzornog odbora, mi biramo upravu i uvijek biramo one ljude koji su radili unutar tvornice, koji znaju kako ona funkcionira.
PG: Ono što je karakteristično za Petrokemiju je da se oko svakog protesta homogenizira gotovo čitav grad. Kako problemi Petrokemije odjekuju u gradu?
Kutina je mali grad, a dvije i pol tisuće njenih stanovnika radi u Petrokemiji. Grad zaista ovisi o tvornici i živi s njom. Gradska uprava je donosila zaključke koji su bili naši zaključci. Ono što smo mi željeli. Grad i radnici imali su apsolutno iste stavove.
PG: Kakve ste sve oblike podrške imali u svojoj već skoro 15-godišnjoj borbi?
Oko ovih prosvjeda uspjeli smo okupiti sve ljude u Kutini, sve sindikate i seljačke udruge. Čak smo, kad im je bilo potrebno, išli i sa seljacima na prosvjede. Svi su imali dojam da smo mi u stanju nešto pokrenuti, ali neke stvari se moraju rješavati u Zagrebu, a ne u Kutini. Mi možemo biti samo inicijator.
PG: A zagrebački studenti?
S njima smo u čvršćem kontaktu od prve studentske blokade kad smo im odmah dali podršku. Imali su vrlo konkretan i artikuliran zahtjev gdje su uspjeli oko sebe okupiti dobar dio javnosti i medija. Malo smo uspoređivali našu i njihovu organizaciju. Njihova je direktno demokratska i jedan dio njihove snage je da nikoga od njih ne mogu uhvatiti u žrvanj kao što su recimo napravili seljacima. Tu je prednost anonimne organizacije koja nema svog predstavnika, ali, s druge strane, nama je puno lakše probiti se kroz medije s prepoznatljivim licem.
PG: Koje ste akcije imali izvan same tvornice?
'98 godine, 72 dana i noći ništa se nije događalo van žice tvornice. 2001. ne bismo izašli na cestu da je Vlada na vrijeme reagirala. Blokada autoputa je bila "B" varijanta. No, blokirali su nam dovod plina, a nismo imali vremena za temeljitu pripremu pa smo jedan dan blokirali Inine benzinske postaje, a uz lokalni radio i televiziju informacija se proširila. Da smo 1998. Hrvatskim željeznicama kazali da zaustave vlakove, oni bi ih zaustavili i blokirali pruge.
PG: Prometna infrastruktura je ključan faktor u distribuciji vašeg proizvoda.
Mi, unutar same tvornice imamo ranžirni kolodvor, imamo svoje strojovođe, odakle se sve Hrvatskim željeznicama šalje dalje za luke. Dakle, onaj koji bi eventualno kupio Petrokemiju vjerojatno bi samo iskoristio našu infrastrukturu, koja je povezana s državnom, za distribuciju svoga proizvoda. Budući da je tržište na koje sada izvozimo postojećom infrastrukturom, zasićeno, u slučaju povećanja proizvodnje za to ne bismo imali dosta vagona i pruga. Nemaš osnovne infrastrukture kojom bi se takva povećana proizvodnja i distribuirala.
PG: Dakle, napredak industrije podrazumijeva da se cijeli sustav infrastrukture unaprijedi?
Da, nama osim pruge trebaju i dobri lučki kapaciteti te planiramo uložiti u Luku Šibenik. Država mora uložiti u željeznice, vagone, pruge, pa tek onda bi, paralelno s tim, trebalo dizati kapacitet proizvodnje.
PG: To podrazumijeva da, osim Petrokemije, i sva potrebna infrastruktura mora ostati u vlasništvu države?
To je sasvim jasno. Država više nije u vlasništvu nekih svojih resursa, poput plina, i sad mi plaćamo plin najskuplje od svih ostalih potrošača u Hrvatskoj jer je država taj resurs već prodala.
PG: Stožer se nedavno ponovno aktivirao oko Petrokemije uslijed novih prijetnji privatizacije?
U ovim zadnjim pokušajima privatizacije Petrokemije, samo smo poslali pismo na četiri adrese - predsjedniku države, premijeru, predsjedniku Sabora i prvom potpredsjedniku Vlade. U njima smo postavili pitanja uvijek vrijedi li još uvijek sporazum iz 1998. godine te je li Petrokemija strateška industrija? Oni su to sve prešutjeli i nisu odgovorili, ali to je bilo dovoljno da izjave da ne misle prodati Petrokemiju. Prvi potpredsjednik Vlade je jedan dan rekao da ide u Rusiju prodati Petrokemiju, a kad se nakon nekoliko dana vratio, i nakon što smo mi izvršili pritisak, izjavio je kako nije išao prodavati Petrokemiju. Tu se vidi da nas se još uvijek boje.
Petrokemija generates a quarter of the total traffic of the Croatian Railways...Obviously it is a strategic industry for any state. Privatization isn’t a good solution when it comes to strategic industries and we do not agree with the way the government sees it.
PG: And how does the government see the privatization?
The first attempt at privatization occurred in 1998, with the so-called “coupon privatization.” This meant that, through the Private Investment Fund, Petrokemija would be converted into coupons, which would then be distributed. It was then that the Defense Committee of Petrokemija was formed, gathering two unions and the Association of War Veterans in a common fight against privatization. The Committee overtook Petrokemija and blocked the factory for 72 days. The government ultimately decided not to provoke us any further, because they were afraid, we guess, so they signed an agreement with us that we still abide by. The fundamental requirement then, as well as today, is that the state must be the principal owner of this kind of production.
PG: You did not demand the transfer of ownership to the workers?
We do not believe that it can function if the workers were the owners of the company, because it is such a large system, but this does not exclude our role in supervising the company. We fought for having representatives in Petrokemija's supervisory board. Today we have four out of nine members in this board. So, the workers gained control. We have access to first-hand information and we participate directly in strategic decisions. We also choose the management, and always elect those people who have worked inside the factory and who understand how it all works.
PG: Your protests homogenize almost the whole city. How do Petrokemija's problems resonate in the town?
Kutina is a small town with 2500 of its residents working in Petrokemija and it deeply depends on and lives with the factory. The town and the workers share the same point of view.
PG: What kind of support have you had during your fifteen-year struggle?
We gathered all the people in Kutina for the protest, all trade unions and farmers’ associations. We even participated in farmers’ protests when they needed support. Everyone had the impression that we were able to make a change, but some things have to be addressed in Zagreb, not in Kutina. We can only be the initiators.
PG: And the students in Zagreb?
We have been in regular contact with them ever since the first student blockade, when we immediately offered them support. Their request was very concrete and well-articulated and they managed to gather a lot of media and public support. They practiced direct democracy, and one of their strengths is that none of them can be personally discredited as, for example, the farmers were. That is an advantage of an organization without a representative. But on the other hand, it is much easier for us to achieve media visibility with a recognizable face.
PG: What were your actions outside the factory?
In 1998, during 72 days there was nothing going on outside the factory. In 2001 we would not have gone out on the street had the Government acted on time. They blocked the gas supply, and we didn’t have enough time to systematically prepare our response, so we blocked INA's gas stations, and, with the help of the local radio station and TV, the information spread. Also, In 1998, if we had asked the Croatian Railroads to stop the trains, they would have stopped them and blocked the railways.
PG: Blocking the transport infrastructure seems to be important in all of your protests, but it is also a key factor in producing and distributing your product.
We have a freight yard within our factory, from where the goods are sent to the ports via railroads. Thus, the potential buyer of Petrokemija would probably just take advantage of our infrastructure, which is linked to the state’s, in order to distribute their product. Since the market, which we supply through the existing infrastructure, is saturated, in case of a production increase we would not even have enough of the basic infrastructure that would support its distribution.
PG: So the development of the industry implies an improvement of the infrastructural system?
Yes, but apart from tracks, we need good port facilities, and we plan to invest in the Port of Šibenik. The state must invest in railways, wagons, and only then and along with that, production should be increased.
PG: That means that, except for Petrokemija, all the necessary infrastructure should remain state-owned?
That is quite clear. See, the state does not any longer own some of its resources, such as gas for example. So now we pay for gas a price higher than anyone else in Croatia, just because the government sold that resource.
PG: The Committee has recently re-activated, due to new threats of privatization?
During the last attempt to privatize Petrokemija, we sent a letter: to the President, the Prime Minister, to the President of the Parliament, and to the First Vice President of the Government. We asked whether the 1998 agreement was still valid and whether Petrokemija was a strategic industry. They ignored us and did not respond, but, one day, The First Vice President of the Government said that he was going to Russia to sell Petrokemija, but when he returned a couple of days later, after we pressured them, he claimed that he was never going to sell the factory. This shows that they still fear us.