Otpor ne može uspjeti bez široke mreže podrške
Intervju s Anitom Lunić, članicom Mreže solidarnosti
Resistance can not succeed without a broad network of support
Interview with Anita Lunić, member of Solidarity Network:
15.08.2012.
Mreža solidarnosti je inicijativa splitskih umjetnika, aktivista, anarhista, studenata i drugih oformljena s namjerom povezivanja različitih borbi koje se trenutno odvijaju u Splitu i okolici.
Solidarity network is an initiative formed with the goal of interconnecting different struggles currently happening in Split and its surroundings. It gathers artists, activists, anarchists, students and others.
Kad je Mreža solidarnosti započela s aktivnostima?
Prije nekoliko mjeseci organiziranjem izložbe, koncerta i tribine posvećene pitanjima mogućnosti i uspjeha radničke borbe u globalu. Okupili smo umjetnike, studente, nezaposlene, radnike i dr. u prostoru splitske tvornice Dalmacijavino s ciljem informiranja šire zajednice o problemu koji postoji u gradu, a o kojem se tako malo može saznati putem medija. Htjeli smo pokazati da je potrebna podrška zajednice, kao i solidarnost ne samo između radnika različitih firmi, nego solidarnost svih slojeva društva. Ono što se tamo spontano dogodilo jest da je među radnicima i sindikalcima iz nekoliko firmi stvorena zajednička baza.
Radnicima kojih firmi?
Adriachema, Uzora, Dalmacijavina, Montera, Jadrankamena i još nekih firmi koje su propale. Nisu sve firme bile u mogućnosti pokazati solidarnost budući da je iz onih koje su još ranije zatvorene, poput Salonita, Željezare, Jadranske pivovare, teško ponovno naći radnike i uključiti ih u taj pokret. Tijekom sastanaka koji su se spontano počeli odvijati u Dalmacijavinu odlučeno je da treba zajedno raditi na svojim zahtjevima i solidarnosti. To bi značilo da, ako jedna od firmi ostvari svoj cilj, tu borba ne staje. Primjerice, da u zahtjevima radnika Dalmacijavina stoji da i druge firme moraju ostvariti svoje ciljeve. Na taj način se i vrši pritisak i ostvaruje jedinstvo.
Zašto ste se odlučili za umjetničke akcije?
Kao prvo, izložba i koncert jamče radnicima dolazak drugih; drugo, medijska pažnja se ostvaruje kada imamo masu, a masa se realizira ako imamo program koji privlači medijsku pažnju, pa se oni uzajamno dalje uvjetuju. To je dobro jer se sve odvija u prostoru tvornice kojoj je potrebna medijska pažnja. Važno je da, koliko god to možemo, otvaramo teme o mogućnostima zauzimanja tvornice, reorganizacije, da dekonstruiramo pojmove prodaje i stečaja. Također, ako radnici i jesu već zajedno u borbi, treba priznati da nikakav radnički ili bilo koji drugi otpor ne može danas uspjeti bez široke mreže podrške. Potrebno je odmaknuti se iz protestnih akcija iscrpljivanja, koje samo služe za trenutno samozadovoljavanje i medijsku manipulaciju radničkim zahtjevima, na konstruktivne stvari. Jedino se kvalitetnim građenjem zajedničkog prostora može realizirati jedinstvo u obrani radničkih prava.
When did the activities of the Solidarity network begin?
Some months ago when we organized an exhibition, a concert and a public discussion on the possibilities and achievements of workers’ struggles in general. We gathered artists, students, the unemployed, workers etc, inside the Dalmacijavino factory in Split. The idea was to inform the public about an existing problem in the city of which little is known because the media don’t really cover it. We wanted to emphasize the need for support of the whole community, as well as the need for solidarity not just between the workers, but solidarity between all groups of society. What had spontaneously happened there was that the workers of different firms came together and a common base was created.
Workers of which firms were involved?
Adriachem, Uzor, Dalmacijavino, Monter, Jadrankamen, as well as some others that had already defaulted. Not all of the ruined firms are able to show solidarity, because workers of those firms that were ruined some time ago, such as Salonit, Željezara and Jadranska Pivovara, are hard to find and include in the movement. During those meetings in Dalmacijavino the workers decided that they should work together when it comes to their demands, that the fight does not stop when one of the firms achieves its goal. That means that the demands of the Dalmacijavino workers, for example, should also include direct support of and be connected to the goals of workers from other firms. That way you both create pressure and achieve unity.
How come you decided to use art in your actions?
Primarily because an exhibition and a concert guarantee that other people would show up, then – media visibility is achieved if we gather a lot of people, and a lot of people will come if we have a program that attracts media attention, so these become interrelated. And the good thing is that it all happens inside the factory which needs such media attention. It is very important to talk about possibilities of occupying the factory and reorganization production as much as we can, and to deconstruct the politics of selling off and defaulting. We also have to admit that even if the workers are organized, the resistance cannot succeed without a broad network of support. It is important to move away from protest actions of exhaustion, which only serve the purpose of momentary self-indulgence and allow for media manipulation of workers’ demands, and organize more constructive actions. Only through productive creation of common space can we achieve unity needed for the defense of workers’ rights.
Tko čini Mrežu solidarnosti?
Premrežavanjem onih koji dolaze iz različitih polja borbe stvaramo osnovu zajedničkog djelovanja. Tako na primjer u Monteru radimo tribinu Uzora i sve vrijeme održavamo redovite međusobne kontakte. Ima onih koji imaju iskustva s različitim građanskim akcijama, blokadama fakulteta, borbom za očuvanje javnih prostora, organizacijom umjetničkih događaja, poput Adria art anala, ali ima i onih koji nemaju ranijeg iskustva.
Koji su uzroci propadanja tolikog broja firmi u Splitu?
Čest uzrok propadanja firmi, poput Pivovare i Dalmacijavina, je prenamjena zemljišta radi iskorištavanja u turističke svrhe ili šoping centara. Školski primjer je sljedeći: Netko kupi tvornicu i ima dva proizvodna pogona, jedan u Splitu, drugi u drugom gradu. U Splitu želi zatvoriti tvornicu, prodati zemljište, prenamijeniti ga u turističke svrhe. Budući da firma dobro posluje i ima svoje tržište, treba opravdati stečaj time što će dokazati da nije moguće nastaviti proizvodnju u Splitu, nego samo u tom drugom mjestu. To se rješava potpisivanjem ugovora o distribuciji svojih proizvoda po kojem se daje nekome da na tržište distribuira 100% tvojih proizvoda. Nakon toga vlasnik potpiše odvojeni osobni ugovor s distributerom i dogovori se da proizvode neće slati u određene dućane i ispod određene cijene. Potom distributer, budući da u ugovoru nema stavke o količini proizvoda koja se mora godišnje poslati na tržište, njegove proizvode jednostavno ne šalje na tržište. Ako proizvodi nisu na tržištu, gomilaju se na lageru, ne postoje ni prostor, ni sirovine za daljnju proizvodnju pa se zaključi da tu proizvodnja nije potrebna, a u kupovnom ugovoru te firme stoji da, u trenutku kada ona postane neprofitabilna, vlasnik ima pravo zatvoriti pogon i svu proizvodnju premjestiti u drugi grad. Ovdje se uništi tvornica, ljudi dobiju otkaze zbog nekretnine i prostora.
Who makes the Solidarity network?
By creating networks among people from different fields of struggle, we create a basis for common action. For example, in the Monter factory we organize public discussions on the problems of another factory, Uzor, and all the while we are in contact among us. Some of the people in the network have prior experience with different civil initiatives, university occupations, struggles against the privatization of public space, or the organization of artistic happenings, such as Adria art anale, but there are also those who don’t have any experience.
What caused such a large number of factory defaults in Split?
Oftentimes, as in the case of the Brewery and Dalmacijavino, the direct cause would be the change of land use from industry to tourist development or shopping malls. A textbook example would go like this: somebody buys a factory that has two branches, one in Split, the other in a different city. This new owner wants to close the factory in Split, change the land use, and make it into a tourist resort. But since the business in the factory is going well, the new owner has to justify the default by proving that it is impossible for the Split branch to continue with production. He does that by signing a contract with a distributor who would then distribute 100% of the factory product. After that, the owner would sign a separate agreement with the distributor, which would state that the product can be sold only in specific places and never under a certain price. This contract does not specify the quantity of products that have to be sold yearly, so the distributor, without any contractual obligation to distribute, does not sell any of the firm’s products. If the product is not on the market, it is stored and now takes up space for raw material needed for production, thus making it impossible for the production to continue. This situation then leads to the conclusion that this kind of production is not needed, and since the owner’s contract states that he has the right to close the branch when the firm becomes unprofitable, he can actually do that and move the production elsewhere. That way, the factories get ruined and people are laid off because of real-estate and land speculation.
Izložba Mreže solidarnosti ispred kino dvorane u Pučišćima na Braču, 16.06.2012. (foto: Mreža solidarnosti)
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Exhibition of Solidarity Network in front of cinema in Pučišća on island of Brač, 16.06.2012. (photo: Solidarity Network)
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Osim bivših industrijskih pogona, postoje li i neka druga mjesta špekuliranja nekretninama u Splitu?
Poznati slučaj privatnog interesa u nekretninama je Marjan. Ali postoji više mjesta izravne konfrontacije interesa, poput rušenja srednjovjekovnog bedema Contarini gdje se opet, bez ikakve rasprave, otvaraju vrata privatnim interesima pod opravdanjem da mora postojati ekskluzivni hotel što bliže centru grada; pa sve do ekstremnih slučajeva gdje se zbog ideologije turizma pokušava iseliti stanare iz povijesne jezgre, zbog čega su stanari i osnovali inicijativu Get getanima, kroz koju se udružuju i bore. Borbom za radna mjesta, a s druge strane borbom za očuvanje javnog prostora i prokazivanjem špekulacija zemljištem, stvara se fronta otpora prema privatnim interesima. Pokušava se raditi na premrežavanju i ujedinjavanju oko ciljeva, kao i međusobnom pomaganju.
Znači u Splitu je ideologija turističkog grada dosta prisutna?
Da, ali ona ide u paketu s više stvari koje se propagiraju na razini cijele države. Tvornička proizvodnja se predstavlja kao nešto što je nepotrebno u gradu koji se orijentira na turizam. Kao, što ćemo mi raditi sa škverom usred grada ako se želimo okrenuti turizmu? Ali nitko ne pita: tko se to točno želi baviti turizmom? I zašto bi bavljenje turizmom značilo diskreditiranje onih koji se žele baviti drugim djelatnostima koje su osnova za bilo kakvo normalno i zdravo funkcioniranje društva? Propagandom o prosperitetu u turizmu direktno se utječe na nedostatak solidarnosti ostatka društva, pa tako ljudi, zbog takve medijske slike, na radnike gledaju kao na ljude koji žele predstavljati grad u nepoželjnom, neturističkom svjetlu.
Besides industry, are there other places in Split that are also targets of real-estate speculation?
Marjan is certainly the most well-known case of conflict between private and public interest. But, there are many more instances of direct confrontation. For example, the demolition of the medieval town wall Contarini, where again, without any public debate, private interests are favored under the excuse that there has to be an exclusive hotel in the historic center; or the extreme cases where residents of the historic center (Get) are being forced to move out precisely because of the ideology of tourism. In order to resist, residents have formed the initiative “Get Getanima” (Get to the Getans), through which they organize and fight the eviction. With the struggle for workplaces on the one hand, and the struggle for preserving public spaces and drawing attention to the land speculation on the other, the front of resistance against the domination of private interests is being created.
So, the ideology of prosperity in tourism is very present in Split.
Yes, but it comes packaged with other things promoted on the state level. Industry is presented as something superfluous in a city oriented towards tourism. As in: Why do we need a shipyard in the city if we want to develop tourism? But nobody is asking: Who exactly wants to work in tourism? And why would working in tourism discredit the ones who want to develop some other branches of economy necessary for any kind of normal functioning of society? By aggressively promoting prosperity in tourism, a lack of solidarity is created in the society. Because of such strong media propaganda, the society views the workers as people who want to present the city in an undesirable, non-touristic light.