Mi smo uništeni kapitalizmom!
Intervju s radnicom Kamenskog koja je htjela ostati anonimna i studenticom Jelenom Miloš
We were destroyed by capitalism!
Interview with worker from Kamensko who wishes to stay anonimous and student Jelena Miloš
15.08.2012.
Kamensko je tekstilna tvornica u Zagrebu osnovana 1949. godine. Nakon što su samoorganizirane radnice 2010. godine stupile u štrajk glađu, širi krug javnosti ih je podržao u borbi.
Kamensko is a textile factory established in 1949 in Zagreb. After the self-organized workers went on hunger strike in 2010. they gained a broad public support.
"Tek sad vidimo da se uništenje tvornice odvijalo planirano, a tada smo bile sretne i dobivale plaću", izjavila je radnica Kamenskog u jeku borbe za Kamensko. Kako je sve počelo?
Sve je počelo tonuti kašnjenjem prve plaće u lipnju 2009. godine. No, to nam se nije činilo tragičnim jer su nakon dva mjeseca plaće uredno stizale sve do prosinca. Tad je puknulo, shvatili smo da se nešto događa iza vrata uprave, počela je smjena direktora. Upravljanje je prepušteno grupi koja je planirala doći do vlasništva ne mareći za preseljenje tvornice, kao ni za ulaganje u tekstilnu proizvodnju. Prvih šest mjeseci 2010. godine nismo dobivali plaće, 1. srpnja krenuo je prvi četverodnevni štrajk i dogovori za pokretanje stečaja. Nažalost, nakon što smo pokrenuli stečaj, shvatili smo da nas posljednja tri mjeseca sindikat nije podržavao. Odustali smo od sindikata. Bili smo prevareni i odlučili se sami boriti za svoje.
Zašto vas sindikat nije podržavao?
Kada smo krenuli u generalni štrajk 20. rujna 2010. godine, sindikat nam je okrenuo leđa, nisu se ni pojavili pred nama, ni savjetom ni podrškom. Tada smo prvo zvali predstavnika Sindikata kože i obuće, no on je rekao da ne može pomoći, da slušamo direktora jer možemo sutra dobiti otkaz odemo li u štrajk. Nismo ga poslušali i, nakon peticije u pogonima, krenuli smo deset dana u štrajk glađu, a zatim uz podršku studenata organizirali mimohod gradom. Ključno je bilo krenuti u borbu sam, bez sindikata.
Jesu li vas u borbi podržali građani?
Jesu, i to nam je davalo najveću snagu. Iako je uprava mislila da je to pretežno ženska radna snaga koju će lako zastrašiti, uz veliku podršku studenata Filozofskog fakulteta i njihovih prijatelja, borba je odjeknula širom Hrvatske. Uključili su se i udruga Pravo na grad i Zelena akcija koji su tu kampanju kasnije nastavili sa studentima, prosvjedujući ispred suda i zgrade DORH-a.
Kako su na slučaj reagirali mediji?
Mediji jesu pomogli, pogotovo oko eksponiranja kriminalne strane. No do problema je došlo u trenutku kad su prestali gurati borbu radnica Kamenskog kao političku činjenicu i prešli na humanitarnu stranu priče. Stvorila se dvostruka oštrica između solidarnosti i samilosti, a samilost je otupila oštricu borbe.
Poteškoće u poslovanju krenule su već nakon privatizacije?
Privatizacija je provedena 1993. godine, dok smo uspješno poslovali. No, čim su radnici otplatili dionice, njihova je vrijednost počela padati. Do 2005. nije se smjelo prodavati dionice izvan tvornice. Dva direktora su otkupljivala dionice od radnika govoreći da to rade jer ne žele da nam dođe netko izvana i uništi nas budući da imamo perspektivu. Međutim, 2005. godine direktor je pustio svoje dionice na tržište. Kupci tih dionica bile su pretežno građevinske tvrtke.
Znači li to da je vlasništvo nad nekretninama u pozadini priče?
Kad je stečaj pokrenut i prihvaćen 12. listopada, zahtijevali smo preustroj. Većinu proizvoda smo izvozili i imali smo stalne kupce. Proizvodnju nije trebalo pokretati, već samo nastaviti s našim strojevima na novoj lokaciji, u industrijskoj zoni u Gorici, gdje već postoji tekstilna tvornica. Međutim, interes pojedinaca koji su došli do vlasništva nad Kamenskim bio je isključivo doći do njegovih nekretnina.
Što urbanistički planovi predviđaju na toj lokaciji?
Godine 2005. napravljena je studija za taj prostor. Predložena je "poslovno-zelena oaza" skroz od Doma sportova do Ilice. Nekretnina Kamensko je povezana s dvije strane stambenim zgradama, a susjedne stanare su posjetili direktori Kamenskog i predlagali im preseljenje u stanove na Laništu koji su također u njihovom vlasništvu. Bilo je jasno da su u igri građevinske tvrtke, ali budući da smo tada dobro poslovali, nismo vjerovali da će ugasiti proizvodnju.
Ako ste dobro poslovali, otkud gubitak?
Nažalost, na sve stečajeve i propasti tvrtki od 2006. najviše je utjecao zakon o mogućnosti otvaranja sestrinskih firmi bez ijednog zaposlenog. Direktori su isisavali novac preko sestrinskih firmi na druge račune i tako radili gubitak. Na sestrinsku firmu kupili su lokaciju za novu tvornicu, ali to zemljište nije ni dan-danas isplaćeno. Na njega je dignut kredit a da zemljište nije vlasnicima ni isplaćeno. Kad je pokrenut stečaj, država je sjela na to zemljište da bi pokrila svoje doprinose. Interes je bio napraviti što veći gubitak ne bi li se opravdao stečaj. Iz istog se razloga menadžment u tom razdoblju povećao dva i pol puta, dok se proizvodni sektor smanjio pet puta.
Zašto je stečajni postupak toliko opasan?
Zakon o stečajnom postupku nalaže da se što brže namire vjerovnici pa stečajni upravitelj nema uopće interesa pokrenuti proizvodnju, nego mu je najlakše sve prodati. U tvornici su postojale dvije struje - jedna skupina je željela preustroj, ali nastaviti s radom; druga je smatrala da se treba prekinuti s proizvodnjom. Zato smo čuvali strojeve cijelo vrijeme, ali jednom kad smo izišle iz tvornice, to više nismo mogle i strojevi su odneseni.
Zašto ste odlučili protestirati izvan tvornice?
S jedne strane da dobijemo na vidljivosti. Drugi razlog je bio taj što radnicama nije dozvoljeno prosvjedovati unutar tvornice, nego na trgu gdje je to uvijek dopušteno. Dakle može se izražavati nezadovoljstvo, ali ne i dirati u temeljne postavke društva koje jasno definiraju tko i kako upravlja tvornicama te kako završava stečaj.
Što biste sada, nakon vlastitog iskustva, savjetovali radnicima kojima se sprema slična sudbina?
Radnici ne smiju dopustiti stečaj i da sud odlučuje o njihovim sudbinama. Vjerujem da se radnici mogu oduprijeti tom kapitalizmu, nekretninskom lobiju. Mi nismo uništeni niti ekonomskom krizom niti tržišnom konkurencijom - mi smo uništeni kapitalizmom!
"Only now we realize that the destruction of the factory was planned; back then we were happy that we were regularly receiving our salaries", said one of the workers of Kamensko in the midst of the struggle for the factory. How did it all begin?
It all started to unravel when our salary was late in June 2009. But we did not think much of it, because, after two months, we were again paid regularly until December. After that, we realized that there is something going on behind closed doors, as directors began to be replaced. The directing of the factory was entrusted to a group of people who planned only to obtain the ownership of the factory and did not care about relocating or investing in textile production. We did not get any pay for the first six months of 2010, and on the 1st of July we went on a four day strike and started arrangements for the beginning of the default process. Unfortunately, after we started with this process, we realized that for the last three months our union had not been on our side. We gave up on the union. We were cheated and we begun fighting on our own for what was ours.
How come that the union did not support you?
When we went on strike, on the 20th of September 2010, the union did not support us; they did not come to us, neither with advice, nor with support. At first, we called upon the representative of the Union, but he said that he can not help us, that we should listen to our bosses and that we can all be laid off, as soon as tomorrow, if we went on strike. We did not take his advice and after organizing a petition inside the factory, we went on a ten day hunger-strike, after which, with the help of the students from Zagreb University, we organized protest marches throughout the city center. It was immensely important to go into this fight alone, without the unions.
Did the citizens support you?
They did, and that gave us a lot of strength. Even though the management perceived this as the struggle of a mostly female working force which they can easily intimidate, with the large support of students and their friends, our struggle had reverberated throughout Croatia. The citizens’ association for the Right to the city and the Green action also joined our fight, and we all organized protests in front of the States’ attorney office.
How did the media react?
The media did help, especially by shedding more light on the criminal acts committed. But the problem occurred when they changed the story of the workers' struggle from a political to a humanitarian one. By doing that, they divided the focus of attention between solidarity and compassion, and compassion blunted the edge of our fight.
But, the difficulties started immediately after the privatization?
Kamensko was privatized in 1993, and at that moment we were a successful business. But, as soon as the workers had paid off their shares of the company, their value started to plummet. Until 2005, it was forbidden to sell the shares to those outside of the factory. Two of the factory directors were at the time buying shares from the workers saying that they did not want an outsider to buy and destroy the factory because we had a promising future. But, in 2005, one of the directors offered his shares on the market. Those shares were bought mainly by construction firms.
Does that mean that the real-estate was the reason behind the whole thing?
When the factory defaulted, on the 12th of October, we demanded a re-organization. Most of our product was exported and we had regular buyers. There was no need to start the production from scratch, we just had to continue working with the machines we already had, but on a new location, in the industrial zone of Gorica, where a textile factory already exists. But, the people who now owned Kamensko wanted only its real-estate; continuing the production was not in their interest.
How do the city planners envision redevelopment of that area?
A case study for that area was made in 2005. It suggests that there should be an „oasis for business and park facilities” there. The factory building is attached to two residential buildings. The factory directors visited those residents offering to replace their apartments with others on the outskirts of the city, which are owned by those same directors. It was obvious that the construction firms were involved, but as our business was doing well, we did not believe that they would shut down production.
If the business was good, where did the deficit come from?
Unfortunately, all of the default cases and ruined firms from 2006 onwards were directly influenced by the law which permits the establishing of „sister“firms without any employees. Through those firms, the directors were draining our money out and transferring it onto other accounts, and that's how they generated deficit. Using the name of one of those firms, they purchased the land for the new factory, but never paid for it. Against that property, they had other loans approved, even though the previous owners of the land never got their money. When the default process started, the state claimed that land in order to cover some of its debt. It was in the interest of the owners to accumulate a large debt in order to justify bankruptcy. For that reason, during that period the number of managers increased two and a half times, while the production sector had shrunk five times its size.
Why is the default process so dangerous?
The bankruptcy act states that the debt to the creditors should be paid off as soon as possible; therefore the default director has no interest in continuing the production, but rather selling it all off. There were two factions inside the factory – one side demanded that the production should be continued; the other wanted to stop the production. We tried to guard the machines throughout the whole process, but once we were forced to leave the factory, we could not do that anymore and the machines were taken away.
Why did you decide to protest outside the factory?
Primarily, to gain visibility; also, the workers were not allowed to protest inside the factory, but only on this square where protesting is always allowed. The point being – dissatisfaction can be freely expressed, but the fundamental logic of our society, which clearly defines who and how runs the factories or ends its default processes, can not be touched or disputed.
Considering your own experience, how would you advise the workers who are now in the same position you were in?
The workers should not allow their factory to default and allow courts to decide their destinies. I believe that the workers can resist capitalism, and the real-estate lobby. We were not destroyed by the economic crisis or by market competition – we were destroyed by capitalism itself.